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Libya Press
A US-brokered power-sharing plan for Libya that would install Saddam Haftar, son of Libyan National Army (LNA) commander Khalifa Haftar, as president while keeping Abdul Hamid Dbeibah as prime minister has triggered widespread rejection from key Libyan institutions. The proposal, currently under discussion in Washington, faces opposition from the High Council of State, Misrata's political leadership, and Libya's Grand Mufti, raising questions about the viability of any US-led roadmap without broader Libyan consensus.
Lt Gen Saddam Haftar, deputy commander of the eastern-based LNA, met US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington on June 29 as part of intensified American diplomatic engagement with Libya's rival factions. US officials described the meeting as part of ongoing efforts to unify Libya's divided military, economic, and political institutions ahead of long-promised national elections.
According to sources familiar with the negotiations, the Washington plan proposes a grand bargain: Saddam Haftar assumes the presidency, Dbeibah remains at the head of the Government of National Unity (GNU), and key ministerial portfolios are distributed among Libya's three traditional power centers — the east, west, and south. The arrangement is designed to break the decade-long political stalemate that has plagued Libya since the 2011 uprising.
However, critics argue the plan merely reshuffles the same faces that have failed Libyans for years. "This is not a new beginning — it is a continuation of the same quota-based system that has kept Libya divided," one Libyan political analyst told Libya Press.
Libya's High Council of State (HCS), theTripoli-based advisory body established under the Libyan Political Agreement, has publicly rejected the plan. The HCS leadership stated that any political settlement must emerge from a Libyan-led process, not be imposed by external powers. Misrata's influential political and military leaders — key actors in western Libya — have also signaled their opposition, viewing the plan as a Washington-imposed solution that favors the eastern faction.
Grand Mufti Sadiq al-Gharyani, Libya's highest religious authority, issued a statement condemning the plan, arguing it bypasses the will of the Libyan people. His intervention carries significant weight among conservative and religious constituencies across the country.
Complicating the US initiative, the United Nations' 4+4 Joint Committee — comprising four delegates from each of Libya's rival chambers — has been quietly developing its own political roadmap. The UN-facilitated process, which enjoys broader international backing, aims to establish a constitutional framework and electoral law that would pave the way for simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections.
Unlike the US proposal, the UN track does not prescribe who should hold specific offices, focusing instead on institutional and legal foundations. This approach has gained traction among Libyans wary of top-down political solutions that, in the past, have collapsed under the weight of competing factions.
President Donald Trump's senior adviser for Arab and African affairs, Massad Boulos, described his meeting with Khalifa Haftar as "important," emphasizing the US commitment to building on recent momentum. For Washington, a unified Libya that secures its oil infrastructure and counters Russian and Chinese influence in North Africa is a strategic priority.
The US plan also reflects a pragmatic calculation: the Haftar family commands the most cohesive military force in the country, and excluding them from a political settlement would likely perpetuate conflict. Yet by elevating Saddam Haftar — a figure with limited political experience and significant opposition — Washington risks entrenching the very divisions it seeks to resolve.
With multiple Libyan institutions rejecting the proposal and the UN pursuing its own track, the US plan faces an uncertain path forward. The coming weeks will test whether Washington can bridge the gap between its strategic objectives and the realities of Libya's deeply fractured political landscape.
For ordinary Libyans, the latest diplomatic maneuvering offers both hope and fatigue. After more than a decade of failed initiatives, the question remains whether any externally engineered plan can deliver the stability and representative governance that Libyans have been demanding since 2011.
— Libya Press / Politics Desk